Like, a peanut bar that gives you your calories for the day, distributed by community health workers, that the U.S. manufactured, but was cut off—that cut the death rate to less than one per cent. That’s just one category. Another one is childbirth. You know, many of these people who are being forced out of their homes are pregnant. They deliver thousands of babies, and die when they have no services. Another example is Ukraine, which was the biggest single beneficiary of aid—and that was energy infrastructure that kept heat going. It was services for three and a half million children and pregnant women displaced from their homes.
I could go into the H.I.V. story. I could go into the tuberculosis story. I could go into the ways that U.S.A.I.D. was insuring that vaccines were going out in the world. We’re not even beginning to see the vaccine-preventable deaths, the H.I.V. deaths, the TB deaths rise. We know these are only going to grow with time.
Atul, there’s a great deal of discussion about the number seven hundred thousand and the mortality data itself. Help me on that.
One of the complaints is: these are projections. And therefore the projections are fake. When will we actually know what the child-mortality rates are? It’s going to be a while. The U.S. was the provider of some of the best, highest-quality data in the world—out of U.S.A.I.D., which was dismantled. The inspectors general who would be doing audits and investigations to show what systems were broken—they fired the inspector general at U.S.A.I.D. and have intimidated the I.G.s from doing those kinds of investigations. And so the result is, in the best of circumstances, we will have data over the next two to three years.
This is not like deaths of war, where there are mass graves. You have a jump in child mortality from three per cent to four per cent. That’s a one-third jump. And yet, when you’re in a community that has a ninety-seven-per-cent survival rate versus a ninety-six-per-cent survival rate, you don’t feel it, and you don’t see it just from people walking around. We’ve been compiling a tracker. I say “we”—I have put together a team, a group of reporters and journalists that have been compiling all of these reports. And, already, they have documented not only the systems that have gone down but twelve hundred different individually identified people who have directly died from the shutdown of foreign aid.
Musk’s defenders have responded saying that the United States shouldn’t be responsible for taking care of people around the world. What do you say to that argument?
When J.F.K. argued for U.S.A.I.D., he was arguing that assistance abroad, first and foremost, was also assistance to the United States itself. One of the direct benefits to the United States was eradicating polio in the world, eradicating outbreaks. We were the driver of eradicating smallpox, interestingly, with the Soviet Union as the instigator of the idea. This was rooted in the Marshall Plan: the idea that, instead of pillaging the world around us as other nations were defeated in war or weakened, we would invest—invest in their liberty, invest in their economic capacity, invest in their survival. And the result was thirteen out of the top fifteen trade partners of the United States received assistance from the United States along the way, whether it was Germany, or South Korea, or India, or then places like Mexico and Latin America, and now we see Africa starting to become middle-income along the way.
Total foreign aid from the United States was in the sixty-billion-dollar range, got cut by more than sixty per cent, and then what was left has been sort of turned into “Give me your critical minerals or I won’t give you H.I.V. drugs.” This goes hand in hand with an approach that says, “We don’t coöperate in the world, we try to dominate.” U.S.A.I.D. couldn’t be more opposite in its approach.
You mentioned J.F.K. Let me mention R.F.K., Jr. I haven’t heard that much about him in this context. What has he been doing with the C.D.C. and other agencies that fall under Health and Human Services, his agency? What’s he had to say about all this?
First of all, he’s reached beyond H.H.S. by stepping in to block foreign assistance—with White House backing—for vaccines around the world. But, within the H.H.S., C.D.C. is hollowed out as an organization capable of acting, abroad or at home, in public health. More than a quarter of their staffing has been removed. Their laboratories have been shuttered, significant parts of them. The vaccine-advisory committees that are needed to approve vaccines are not functioning at this point, and it’s going to take a while to recover that. C.D.C. can recover it, because they still have an institution. They still have budgets that can be restored. It will take a while to build the expertise and infrastructure. U.S.A.I.D. is a shell and will be hard to bring back. It will take time for countries to trust that every election does not become a change in the goals in the first place.
It takes years to eradicate polio, years to build their surveillance for pandemics, years to reduce malnutrition in the world. And if we’re divided about that, and that becomes political fodder, then the institutions can’t function. We won’t be able to make a way forward. So, I’d say, the No. 1 thing to restore capacity is getting back to a place where we believe that these kinds of institutions are what we all want.
Atul, you can’t read anybody’s mind, but what was Elon Musk’s motivation when it came to cutting U.S.A.I.D. so severely?
The approach of DOGE was like the approach he’s taken with companies like Twitter: take over, slash and burn, and, if anything’s broken, we’ll fix it after. That continues, to this day, to be his argument.
So it’s the vanity of an efficiency expert.
Only he’s destroying in the name of efficiency, and left no efficiency behind at all. He came in believing you could cut two trillion dollars out of government, and it hit the shoals of U.S.A.I.D.—this obscure agency accounting for less than ten dollars per American taxpayer per month—and, within weeks, suddenly it became apparent that there would be catastrophic loss of life, and it made the enterprise incredibly unpopular. He thought this was going to be, you know, a weekend and we’ll move on, and it didn’t turn out to be the case at all.
mr_evilweed on July 12nd, 2026 at 20:54 UTC »
'Pro-life' party btw
barneyrubbble on July 12nd, 2026 at 20:52 UTC »
I think the reason why Elon Musk, the same month he’s been made a trillionaire, is screaming online and aloud at congressmen and others, and responding to things that I put online, is because he believes he’s going to be held accountable by history.
Fucking A right he will. As he should be.
newyorker on July 12nd, 2026 at 20:44 UTC »
Elon Musk’s cuts to U.S.A.I.D. led to some 700,000 deaths, according to Atul Gawande, a former leading administrator at the agency. Gawande, backed by recent academic studies, believes that the death toll will likely reach seven figures. The policy is not only immeasurably cruel, he argues; it is also stupid, badly undermining what remains of American soft power and prestige. David Remnick and Gawande discuss the human cost of DOGE’s war on U.S.A.I.D: https://www.newyorker.com/news/the-new-yorker-interview/the-human-cost-of-doges-war-on-usaid