USMCA at Two: How to measure North American success?

Authored by wilsoncenter.org and submitted by dieyoufool3
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July 1st marks the second anniversary of the US-Mexico-Canada trade agreement (USMCA). The first two years look promising, but it is not yet clear if the outcomes will be sufficient to retain public and political support when the agreement is reviewed in 2025-26. Given USMCA’s economic importance for jobs and business across the continent, we should be thinking through the best ways to judge the agreement’s success and to keep the public well informed.

The trade pact was passed with overwhelming support in the three countries, including from US democrats and republicans. It provides forward-looking paths to address North America’s pressing trade challenges, including digital and other transformations in the economy, supply chain resiliency, global competitiveness, plus labor and environmental issues. The US had taken priority themes, such as labor rights, digital trade, and inclusiveness, from USMCA to inform new economic partnerships with the Americas, the Indo-Pacific, and Europe.

USMCA has boosted government-to-government engagement through its committees and senior level exchanges. USMCA is complemented by the reintroduction a North American Leaders' Summits (NALS), the US-Mexico High Level Economic Dialogue and the Roadmap for a Renewed US-Canada Partnership. The three governments recognize that USMCA alone does not provide sufficient support for needed economic collaboration given the breadth of North America’s economic interconnection and the tough global competition.

Under USMCA, trade has bounced back from pre-covid levels, averaging a 6% increase across the region from 2019 to 2021. To add perspective, during 2021, a record 75% of Canadian and Mexican imports came from the United States, making both countries the US’s largest export markets. Both are also the US’s largest trading partners, accounting for more than twice US trade than with China.

Dealing with controversies, USMCA is off to a fast start addressing many more trade-related disputes in two years than its predecessor, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). This is clear regarding labor, where USMCA’s new Rapid Response Mechanism (RRM) has shown promising initial results in favor of collective bargaining rights in Mexico.

In sum, the agreement is playing a positive role in increasing trade flows, reinvigorating bilateral and trilateral fora in North America, and bolstering channels for investors, exporters, importers, non-governmental groups, and governments to seek to resolve problems and disputes. Nevertheless, there are many irritants to be addressedin the massive commercial relationships that account for over $2 million a minute in trade between three countries. Contentious issues touch on food and agriculture, energy, critical minerals, and autos.

Not surprisingly, the degree of overall progress remains unclear. It is not yet evident if USMCA dispute settlement cases will resolve significant disagreements over rules of origin in the auto industry or equitable market access for dairy products, for example. In addressing concerns with Mexico’s energy policies and treatment of investors, the US is so far encouraging private dialogue on specific disputes and “greener” Mexican energy policies, rather than initiating formal USMCA complaints.

Experts point out that despite early successes in encouraging transparent labor union elections, progress on labor democracy and raising wages in Mexico will not demonstrate substantial results for years, and some question how much positive impact USMCA can have on productivity in Mexico, pointing to systemic problems in Mexico’s economy.

Additionally, while Mexico has great opportunities to attract new investments, analysts and business stakeholders point to dark clouds given Mexico’s practices on agricultural biotechnology, private investment, energy, and the Rule of Law. In addition, key USMCA areas with potential to produce growth are yet to be tested, including expanding digital trade and regulatory cooperation.

How should we measure USMCA’s success? In a post-COVID system, increases in trade flows are not enough to gain broad support for trade agreements, much less deliver inclusive and sustainable growth. The pandemic and the invasion of Ukraine underscore the importance of goals that go beyond trade balances, such as decoupling supply chains from non-democratic countries like China and Russia. Promoting workforce development, the role of Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs), better border management and reducing emissions will also be important criteria to be considered.

While implementation to date shows that USMCA is a credible update of NAFTA, tracking progress across such areas is vital, especially as the agreement will be reviewed in 2025-26. Given the many stakeholders whose business and jobs depend on the certainty in North American trade and those who want to see a more inclusive, competitive, and sustainable North America, we should start now to build agreement on key criteria, for example:

Growth metrics How much trade and investment has grown, including digital trade How many jobs are attributable to the USMCA marketplace? Are SMEs taking advantage of USMCA? Have border processing and security improved? Has successful dispute resolution taken place? Is regulatory cooperation promoting USMCA goals?

Inclusion indicators What specific gains have been made in the labor sector? On the environment? Are more nontraditional participants from civil society and vulnerable groups included Is there more collaboration on workforce development? What advances have been made to help workers? Are federal authorities adopting “whole of government” approaches and including sub-federal players and USMCA’s many stakeholders?

Public outreach Is there substantial transparency on USMCA implementation. Is there serious work underway educating publics about USMCA’s key role?

To win hearts, minds, and wallets, the benefits of North American trade need to be made explicit. All three countries are scheduled to have national elections before UMSCA’s mandatory review, and trade issues could easily again be subject to polemical debate, as happened over NAFTA in 2016. In the 90s, NAFTA supporters incorrectly anticipated that common rules would deliver economic growth and increased opportunities for industries, reducing initial opposition to the trade pact. Vital lessons from the NAFTA experience include that broad stakeholder support, well informed public debate, and targeted efforts to help industries and groups disadvantaged by technology and trade are all needed. Otherwise, the political debate can deteriorate to undermine the clear benefits of North American commercial collaboration.

To avoid shortfalls like NAFTA’s experience, North America needs a transparent and serious discussion about USMCA within which all three governments can adjust what needs correcting in the agreement, and simultaneously work to make the facts and benefits well known. For a good review of USMCA, one needs comprehensive metrics, serious deliberation, and effective “public diplomacy” to help assure that Americans, Canadians and Mexicans are well informed about progress and what is at stake.

Earl Anthony Wayne teaches at American University and is Advisory Board Co-Chair of the Wilson Center’s Mexico Institute. He was Ambassador to Mexico and Assistant Secretary of State for Economic and Business Affairs.

Diego Marroquín Bitar is a public policy expert from Georgetown University. He specializes in US-Mexico relations, trade, labor mobility, and has been published in academic journals and in U.S., European and Latin American media outlets.

cameronlcowan on August 7th, 2022 at 07:29 UTC »

I think this a good idea. It has dropped illegal immigration and if we can provide jobs for those from Central America in Mexico then we can slow that down. I think a great addition to this would be to have a robust guest worker program between all three countries so workers could move between all three economies quickly and easily. In a multi-polar world, having two strong neighbors on our border will be a great thing moving forward. Economically, this is how we compete with Belt and Road.

thinkB4WeSpeak on August 7th, 2022 at 05:08 UTC »

I mean logistically it makes sense to trade with Mexico more because they're closer. On top of that big business can take advantage of their cheap labor and lack of labor laws/unions.

dieyoufool3 on August 7th, 2022 at 04:26 UTC »

Day 11 of "Taking feedback from the 500k Celebration post to heart and returning r/Geopolitics to a glory that never actually was"

NAFTA is Dead, Long Live USMCA

I know this article is a month old, but the takeaways and perspective it imparts struck me as very much needed.

These days, when most Americans think of its southern border, it’s in the context of illegal smuggling and immigration. In reality, that barely scratches the surface of what cross-border activity means for US interests.

Esteban Moctezuma, Mexico's Ambassador to the US, noted that

[N]early $1 million of bilateral trade takes place across the US-Mexico border every minute. That’s roughly $1.8 billion per day. And that cross border commercial activity is on the rise, up 23% last year from 2020, and 18% in the first trimester of this year.

There are some 56 ports of entry across our southern border, with a several targeted for new investments to boost their efficiency and effectiveness. In addition, if combined into a single economy, the ten US and Mexican border states would be the world’s fourth largest. When combined with Canada, the North American region is a global powerhouse able to feed, clothe, and power itself almost without any input from the rest of the world.

That’s not to say that illegal immigration isn’t real or relevant—it is. But it's only a fraction of daily human border crossings.

Roughly, 1.5 million people cross our southern border in both directions every day. Of those who enter the US from Mexico each morning, more than 90% are American citizens who live in Mexico and work in the US.

I'll be the first to point out the free trade agreement isn't perfect, but perfect shouldn't be the enemy of good.

------------------------------------------------

Below are two pieces penned before the article I posted shared what can only be described as an economic victory lap two years into the agreement.

According to a 2019 Peterson Institute piece critical of USMCA, here are some of the ways USMCA falls short:

NEW RULES OF ORIGIN WILL HURT US AUTO SECTOR COMPETITIVENESS PHARMACEUTICAL PATENT RULES NEED TO BETTER BALANCE CONSUMER INTERESTS IMPROVED ENVIRONMENTAL PROVISIONS STILL FAIL TO ADDRESS CLIMATE CHANGE LABOR IMPROVEMENTS STILL NEED STRONGER ENFORCEMENT PROVISIONS

The biggest difference between NAFTA and USMCA, according to a 2020 North American Production Sharing fact sheet (if you click on the link, it goes into the pros/cons of USMCA):

Building labor protections in Mexico – Labor was and remains cheaper in Mexico than it is in the US. However, the USMCA levels the playing field with additional protections for workers in Mexico. Reducing protections for drug companies – Under NAFTA, drug companies enjoyed protections for lucrative sub-divisions of the pharmaceutical industry. These protections have been removed, but this loss is balanced with gains elsewhere. Increasing protections for technology firms – Technology and data companies now enjoy increased protections related to intellectual property and privacy concerns. Incentivizing North American Manufacturing – USMCA increases NAFTA’s efforts to keep production in North America rather than competing nations in Europe and Asia. Due to this, the U.S. backs the push for U.S. business owners to invest in industrial buildings in Mexico for their companies. This aspect of the trade agreement works to open up more market access for all three countries involved in the new trade deal. For example, to qualify for zero tariffs, automakers must: Produce 75% of a vehicle’s content in North America, up from the 62.5% that had been required under NAFTA Utilize high-wage factories (min. $16 dollar per hour average salary) for at least 40-45% of the parts for a vehicle Ensure that 70% of the steel and aluminum used in a new vehicle must be melted and poured within North America. Dismantling a controversial arbitration system – One of the biggest but most obscure changes comes to the Investor-State Dispute System (ISDS), which enabled companies to sue governments over their right to conduct business in a given country.

So what's everyone thoughts on this? (Let's try our best to keep declarative statements as fact-based and as non-anecdotal as possible.)